Bilaterally
negotiating temporary entry
Rahul
Sen, Fellow, Regional Economic Studies Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, Singapore, and
Amarendu Nandy , Research Scholar, Department of Economics, National
University of Singapore
The Financial Express
August,
31, 2005
Mode
4, or the Movement of Natural Persons, has been of particular interest
for developing countries, since it can capitalise on their labour-intensive
services to benefit from international trade in services. Though
Mode 4 accounts for a small share (about 1%) of total services trade,
export earnings through this mode, particularly remittance flows,
have often proved to be of significant magnitude for developing
countries.
For
India, liberalisation of Mode 4 assumes great importance, particularly
in the current positive phase of demographic transition and its
competitive advantage in knowledge-based professional services.
It has, therefore, been one of the most active members at the WTO
regarding negotiations on Mode 4 and has advanced specific proposals
for a liberalised regime. However, not much progress has been made
on the multilateral platform, due to political, regulatory, and
social concerns relating to skilled immigration. India has, therefore,
been exploring the bilateral route for this purpose. Its Comprehensive
Economic Cooperation Agreement (Ceca) with Singapore, effective
from August 1, contains separate sections on this issue (Chapter
9 and Annex 9A). This agreement marks a milestone in India’s
pursuit of closer economic ties, since the initiation of the ‘Look
East’ policy in the early 1990s. At the same time, it unfolds
Singapore’s recognition of India as an integral part of any
economic integration process in Asia. The aim clearly has been to
take the bilateral route to greater economic cooperation—regionally
and multilaterally.
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Vision
Impaired
Alan Oxley,former, Australian Ambassador, GATT
Tech Central Station, August 22, 2005
China
now has global economic muscle. It is sustaining growth in the global
economy and its cheap goods are holding inflation at bay. So when
China suggests rearranging current agreements or formalizing new
ones, people go along, even if it may not be in every party's economic
self-interest.
China
is pursuing the creation of an East Asian economic community, a
free trade area, covering China, Japan, South Korea and the ASEAN
countries. This idea, along with a formal summit schedule to make
it so, was agreed to when the Leaders of ASEAN met at their Summit
in Vientiane, Laos last November.
Why not create a single market in East Asia? These economies are
big traders, accounting for just over a quarter of world trade.
They also trade a lot with each other. But there is more to creating
a free trade area than simply signing an agreement and saying it
is so.
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ASEAN
millennium development
Romeo Austria Reyes, former senior adviser,
ASEAN-UNDP Partnership Facility.
Jakarta Post
August 05, 2005
Drawing
inspiration from the global Millennium Development Compact proposed
in the 2003 Human Development Report (HDR), participants in a Regional
Workshop on "ASEAN Cooperation on Poverty Reduction and Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs)" agreed to initiate a process leading
to the adoption of an ASEAN Millennium Development Compact (AMDC).
The workshop was held in Jakarta on Aug. 1-2, right before the Asia
Pacific Ministerial Meeting on MDGs on Aug. 3-5.
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http://www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20050805.F05
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Rice
Misses the ASEAN Regional Forum: Now What?
Dana
R. Dillon, Senior Policy Analyst,
The Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation
WebMemo #831
August 1, 2005
The
ASEAN Regional Forum was conceived as a meeting to bring together
all contending powers in Southeast Asia, great and small, and get
them to discuss their security issues at the diplomatic level. The
problem with the concept is that there are now 24 participating
countries, many with differing ideas of what security issues should
be addressed by ARF. The result is that important issues, which
are necessarily contentious, are ignored and official ARF pronouncements
are no more than milquetoast compromise statements.
For the United States, the principal advantage of ARF was not the
host, but the guests. As a venue for furthering U.S. foreign policy
interests in Asia, ARF was a great opportunity for Secretaries of
State to meet with their counterparts from China, Japan, India,
and even North Korea, all in one event. Convenience is a good reason
to attend ARF when other venues are not available, but that is hardly
an endorsement of ARF itself. The fact that all other major powers
dropped out when Rice did demonstrates that they saw ARF the same
way.
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http://www.heritage.org/Research/AsiaandthePacific/wm813.cfm
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